I Became a Plutocrat in World War I: Starting with Saving France

Chapter 718: Money Really Can Do Whatever You Want

"Why should our destroyers be handed over to Neon for production?" Shire frowned, his voice tinged with anger.

"This happened a few months ago." Wells replied:

"Before we decided to produce destroyers, the navy wanted to import destroyers to meet escort and combat needs."

"But neither Britain nor the United States could build them for us."

"Britain had its own pressing combat needs, every warship in its shipyards was rushing to be launched for combat, with no extra capacity to build ships for us."

"The United States was also heavily preparing for Atlantic escorts, with procurement plans already reaching 400 ships. We would need to wait at least two years."

"And that’s assuming the United States could produce normally and deliver on schedule."

(The above picture shows the situation of the United States mass-producing destroyers during World War I. Although the United States was not the world’s number one power at that time, its GDP had been the highest for years. The most important significance of GDP statistics is actually capacity, which is the production capacity of a country. The production capacity of the United States at that time was extremely terrifying, completing more than 20 destroyers in a month even when not fully invested in production.)

"Can’t France build them itself?" Shire asked.

What puzzled him was that the new destroyer proposal had been with Wells for some time. If they followed the speed of the United States, it should be nearly done by now, how could it suddenly be interrupted?

However, Wells replied:

"We have been doing preparatory work during this period."

"You may not be aware of the situation in the shipyards, General."

"After the outbreak of the war, most of the supporting factories changed their processes to produce munitions and equipment for the army. We need time to restore them."

Shire’s eyes went black. This meant the production of destroyers was still in the preparation phase, and they were also competing for capacity with the army.

No wonder Parliament had a reason to assign the destroyer construction to Neon.

Wells continued: "Coincidentally, at this time, the Neon ambassador’s military officer proactively contacted the Minister of the Navy, offering to produce warships for us. So..."

No need to say more.

The Minister of the Navy was from the Toulon Faction. He did not want the Brest Shipyard to regain vitality, so he readily handed the order to Neon.

Shire was silent.

On the surface, there was no problem.

Neon had excess capacity and technology, while France was in a period of wartime resource and capacity scarcity. Accepting Neon’s production seemed beneficial, at least in the eyes of the general public who did not understand military matters.

(Note: At this time, Neon’s navy ranked 4th, even above the 5th ranked French Navy.)

However, Shire understood.

If these 10 warships could not be started at the Brest Shipyard, the Brest Shipyard might decline permanently.

In the future, any shipbuilding plans Shire had would be handed over to Neon, again and again, just like now.

Even if France needed to restart warship production in the future, the Toulon Shipyard would be used.

As Shire was troubled, he suddenly remembered what Wells had said earlier.

"You said, the Neon ambassador’s military officer proactively contacted the Minister of the Navy?" Shire asked. "Are you sure?"

"Yes." Wells’ tone was very certain. "We didn’t seek Neon’s help. We sold warships to Neon a decade ago, and the navy generally looked down on Neon’s craftsmanship and technology. Of course, no one would seek help from Neon."

Upon hearing this, Shire seemed to understand.

Neon was looked down upon by the Western world, and Neon had a servile nature, hoping to break away from Asia and fully learn from the West.

(Note: Neon’s "Leave Asia, Enter Europe" theory began in March 1885 when Fukuzawa Yukichi published "On Leaving Asia" in the "Jiji Shimpo" newspaper)

At this time, Neon had a similar mindset to Romania.

They believed that the Allies were winning on both the Eastern and Western fronts, and Romania had declared war on the Central Powers. On the surface, it seemed that the Central Powers were on the brink of collapse, and in the near future, the West would surely belong to the Allies.

If they didn’t seize the opportunity to show loyalty now, they might not have the chance in the future.

Thus, they proactively showed goodwill towards France.

Then Shire remembered that at this time in history, Neon did indeed produce warships for France.

He recalled it was the "Arabian" class, known for its fast production, high quality, and very low cost. But ultimately, the French still found numerous faults to ridicule.

Neon was like an unappreciated underdog in this situation.

(The above picture shows the prototype of the "Arabian" class destroyers produced by Neon for France during World War I, known as the "Ka" class destroyers, with a total of 12 sold to France)

Shire never considered himself superior, even when fighting alongside the Colonial Army on the Dardanelles Strait battlefield.

However, if someone was trying hard to show loyalty, why not satisfy them?

If you looked down on them a bit, they would be frightened, yet a few contemptuous looks would make them satisfied, why not do it?

With this in mind, Shire told Wells: "Continue with your project and ignore outside interference."

"But General," Wells replied with difficulty, "about the Minister of the Navy..."

Shire interrupted him, his tone firm: "This is my money, Wells. If the Minister of the Navy makes any decisions, let him pay for it. Understand?"

Wells suddenly understood.

From an authority standpoint, no one could override the decisions of the Minister of the Navy.

Not Wells, not General Gephardt, nor Shire, not even Gallieni.

The military couldn’t even directly contact capitalists like Wells; they needed to place orders through the government and parliament.

However.

If these warships were donated by the capitalist Shire, he had the right to decide which shipyard would receive the order.

Even the Minister of the Navy and the parliament had no right to interfere.

Shire could simply say: "I’m donating warships, not money. They are still my private property until I donate them. What right does the parliament have to decide on my property?"

"I understand, General." Wells sighed in relief.

With Shire’s words, the Brest Shipyard’s restoration of warship production was guaranteed.

"Additionally, have the Neon embassy’s military officer contact me," Shire added. "I need to discuss the warship construction with him."

Wells’ voice showed some hesitation: "General, the Neon military officer contacted the Minister of the Navy."

Shire’s actions were tantamount to challenging the authority of the Minister of the Navy.

Did this mean that the Neon military officer should be talking to Shire instead of the Minister of the Navy?

Should the whole world know that Shire’s authority was above the Minister of the Navy?

Was Shire intentionally trampling the dignity of the Minister of the Navy underfoot?

"Tell this to the Minister of the Navy," Shire calmly replied: "The Bernard Group intends to use another sum of money to purchase Neon’s capacity, so I need to discuss specific matters with the Neon military officer. Whether to proceed or not, the decision lies with the Minister of the Navy."

Wells was stunned, then his face lit up with joy.

It was a good approach. The Minister of the Navy had no reason to refuse, as it was about increasing the French Navy’s fleet by 10 warships.

Even if the Minister of the Navy would lose face, he had no choice but to agree.

Money indeed could make anything possible!